Sociolinguistic on Color term, Prototype, Taboo and Euphemism

INTRODUCTION

Language is a system of communication in speech and written used by people of a particular country (Oxford, 2008:247). Because of language used as a system of communication, so it is used in all of our life segments, for instance: in our social life, in economic, politic and many others. The relation between language and the society in our social life become the nature of the study of Sociolinguistic. Language is really closely related with culture. The term of culture is not only used to concern about some kinds of arts, but it intend to be used in the sense of whatever a person must know in order to function in a particular society. Goodenough (1957, p. 167), defines a society’s culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members, and to do so in any role that they accept for any one of themselves. The necessary behaviors are learned and do not come from any kind of genetic endowment.
As we know, each society has it’s own culture and of course the culture between one society and another are different. The culture itself also influenced by the development of science and technology. So in this occasion the writers would like to make an analysis about “Color Terminology, Prototype Theory, Taboo and Euphemism” in which ways the people in their own society and culture express.


DISCUSSION

1. Color Terminology
1) The Definition of Color Terminology
Color Terminology is the terms that used by the people to describe color (Wardhaugh, 2002:233). Different cultures have different terms for colors, and may also assign some color terms to slightly different parts of the human color space: for instance, the Chinese character 青 (pronounced qīng in Mandarin and ao in Japanese) has a meaning that covers both blue and green; blue and green are traditionally considered shades of "青." Japanese also has two terms that refer specifically to the color green, midori which is derived from the classical Japanese descriptive verb midoru 'to be in leaf, to flourish' in reference to trees and グリーン (guriin, which is derived from the English word 'green'). However, in Japan, although the traffic lights have the same colored lights that other countries have, the green light is called using the same word for blue, "aoi", because green is considered a shade of aoi, similarly green variants of certain fruits and vegetable such as green apples, green shiso (as opposed to red apples and red shiso) will be described with the word "aoi".
On the other explanation color is all around but it is not everywhere treated in the same way. We sometimes cannot directly translate color words from one language to another without introducing from subtle changes in meaning, e.g., English brown, French brun and Indonesia coklat. That means every place around the world has its own term for describing color whether it has some similarities or not.
2) The Categorizations of Color
According to Roch (1976), there are theree main parts of color terminology, such as:
a. Antophologist
b. Universalists
c. Relativist
3) Abstract Color
Color words in a language can also be divided into abstract color words and descriptive color words, though the distinction is blurry in many cases. Abstract color words are words that only refer to a color. In English white, black, red, yellow, green, blue, brown, and gray are definitely abstract color words. These words also happen to be 'basic color terms' in English as described above, but colors like maroon and magenta are also abstract though they may not be considered 'basic color terms' either because they are considered by native speakers to be too rare, too specific, or to be subordinate hues to a higher 'basic color term', in this case red (or maybe purple).

4) Descriptive Color
Descriptive color words are words that are secondarily used to describe a color but primarily used to refer to an object or phenomenon that has that color. For instance: when we say about “rose”, it is identical with “red”, although not all of the kinds of rose are red. "Salmon", "rose", "saffron", and "lilac" are descriptive color words in English because their use as color words is derived in reference to natural colors of salmon flesh, rose flowers, infusions of saffron pistils, and lilac blossoms respectively. Often a descriptive color word will be a subordinate hyponym of a 'basic color term' (salmon and rose [descriptive] are both hues of pink). The status of some color words as abstract or descriptive is debatable. The color "pink" was originally a descriptive color word derived from the name of a flower called a "pink" (see dianthus); however, because the word "pink" (flower) has become very rare whereas "pink" (color) has become very common, many native speakers of English use "pink" as an abstract color word alone and furthermore consider it to be one of the 'basic color terms' of English. "purple" is another example of this, as it was originally a word that referred to a dye (see Tyrian purple).


5) The Basic Color of Color Terminology
An interesting issue is how colors are referred to in different languages. Are colors terms arbitrary or is there a general pattern? If there is a pattern, what are its characteristics and why might it exist? According to Berlin and Kay (1969) all languages make use of basic color term. Here are some characteristics of the basic color term, they are:
a. A basic color term must be a single word, e.g., blue or yellow, not some combination of words, e.g., light blue or pale yellow. Nor must it be the obvious sub-division of some higher-order term, as both crimson and scarlet are of red.
b. It must be have quite general use, in which it must not must be applied only to a very narrow range of object, as, for example, bounds is applied in English almost exclusively to color of hair and wood.
c. The term must not be highly restricted in the sense that it is used by only a specific sub-set of speaker, such as interior decorators or fashion writers.
Berlin and Kay said that the basic color terms found in a wide variety of language reveals certain very interesting patterns. Here are the patterns of basic language, such as:
a. If a language has only two terms, they for equivalents to black and white (or dark or light).
b. If a third is added, it is red. So they become black, white and red
c. The fourth and fifth terms will be yellow and green, but the order may be reversed. So they become black, white, red, yellow and green.
d. The sixth and seventh terms are blue and brown. So they become black, white, red, yellow, green, blue and brown.
e. Finally, as in English, come terms like grey, pink, orange, purple, but not in any particular order. So they become black, white, red, yellow, green, blue, brown, grey, pink, orange and purple.
f. For the comparison Italian and Russian have twelve basic colors, distinguishing blue and azure. That doesn't mean English speakers cannot describe the difference of the two colors, of course; however, in English, azure is not a basic color term because one can say bright sky blue instead, while pink is basic because speakers do not say light red.

6) Color Spectrum
The color spectrum is physical continuum showing no breaks at all. Yet we parcel if out in bits and pieces and assign names to the various component parts: green, blue, yellow, red, and so on.
One approach to investigating color terminology in languages is predicated on the scientific. Fact that the color spectrum is an objective reality: it is’ out there’ waiting to be dealt with perceptually and cognitively and if you ask speakers of a language to mane chip from the Munsell array of color chips you can access their knowledge of what color means to them. The claim here is that human cognition is so alike everywhere that everyone approaches the spectrum in the same way. Moreover, as cultural and technological changes occur, it becomes more and more necessary for people to differentiate within the color spectrum. Instead of picking bits and pieces of the spectrum at random as it were and naming them, people, no matter what languages they speak, progressively sub-divide the whole spectrum in a systematic way, the similar naming practiced appear to follow from human cognitive needs that are the same everywhere.
Lucy (1997) is highly critical of the above claim, declaring that you cannot find out what ‘color’ means to speakers by simply asking them to label Munsell color chips. He says (p.341):’color is not “out there” in the light but in our perceptual interpretation of light, communicatively relevant encodings of visual experience do not lie “in there “ in the biology but in socially anchored linguistic systems. In this alternate view, color system is social constructions rather than biologically determined ones. The issue is still unresolved.
We do know that if speakers of any language are asked to identify the parts of the spectrum, they find one system of such identification much easier to part of the spectrum they would call yellow from that part they would call orange, or similarly to separate blue from green. That is, assigning precise borders, or marking discontinuities, between neighboring colors is neither an easy task for individuals nor one on which groups of individuals achieve a remarkable consensus. However, they do find it easy, and they do reach a better consensus, if they are required to indicate some part of the spectrum they would call typically orange, typically blue, or typically green. That is they have consistent and uniform ideas about ‘typical colors’. Speakers of different languages exhibit such behavior, always provided that the appropriate color terms are in their language. As we will in the following section, we can use this idea that people can and do classify in such a way to propose still another approach to relating language and culture. Another example show that the people at Tukadsumaga Village have their own language to express about color. They say gadang (blue), pelung (unggu) but in the other place the color words above unacceptable (they say “blue” with pelung and gadang for say “green”).

7) The Relationship Between Language and Culture in Color Terminology
An attempt has been made to relate the extent of color terminology in specific languages with the level of cultural and technical complexity of those societies in which these languages are spoken. There is some reason to believe that communities that show little technological development employ the fewest color terms; e.g., the Jale of New Gumea have words corresponding to dark and light alone. On the other hands, technologically advanced societies have term corresponding to all eleven mentioned above. Societies in intermediate stages have intermediate numbers: for example, The Tiv of Nigeria has three terms; The Garo of Assam, and The Hanunoo of the Philippines have four; and The Burmese has seven. In short the explanation above can be shown in this picture








For example the people in Sepang Village only know and use the terms of colors : selem (black), barak (red), putih (white), pelung (blue), kuning (yellow). But the people in Singaraja know the terms of colors like: selem (black), barak (red), putih (white), ijo (green), pink (pink), kuning (yellow), unggu, merah marun (maroon).

8) Color Terminology for Race
In some societies and among some anthropologists, color terminology was used to label races, sometimes in addition to a non-color term for the same race. Identifying races in terms of their skin color has been common since at least the Physiognomica falsely attributed to Aristotle.
Other scientists were more cautious about such categorization, and Charles Darwin argued that the number of categories, or in this case the number of different colors, is completely arbitrary and subjective. For example, some claimed three distinct colors, some four, and others have claimed even more. In contrast, Darwin argued that there are gradations, or degrees between the numbers of categories claimed, and not distinct categories, or colors.
Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752–1840), one of the founders of what some call scientific racism theories, came up with the five color typology for humans: white people (the Caucasian or white race), more or less black people (the Ethiopian or black race), yellow people (the Mongolian or yellow race), cinnamon-brown or flame colored people (the American or red race) and brown people (the Malay or brown race). Blumenbach listed the "races" in a hierarchic order of physical similarities: Caucasian, followed by American, followed by Mongolian, followed by Malayan, followed by Ethiopian.
One of the earlier uses of the concept of “black” as a metaphor for race was first used at the end of the 17th century when a French doctor named François Bernier (1625–1688), an early proponent of scientific racism, divided up humanity based on facial appearance and body type. He proposed four categories: Europeans, Far Easterners, Lapps, and Blacks. The first major scientific model was created in 18th century when Carolus Linnaeus recognized four main races: Europeanus which he labeled the white race, Asiatic, which he labeled the yellow race, Americanus, which he labeled the red race, and Africanus, which he labeled the black race. Linnaeus' protégé, anthropology founder Johann Blumenbach completed the model by adding the brown race, which he called "Malay" for Polynesians and Melanesians of Pacific Islands, and for aborigines of Australia. Rand McNally's 1944 map of races describes Amerindians as being the copper race or copper people.

2. Prototype Theory
1) The Definition of Prototype Theory
Prototype theory is a mode of graded categorization in cognitive science, where some members of a category are more central than others. For example, when asked to give an example of the concept furniture, chair is more frequently cited than, say, computer desk.
As formulated in the 1970s by Eleanor Rosch and others, prototype theory was a radical departure from traditional necessary and sufficient conditions as in Aristotelian logic, which led to set-theoretic approaches of extensional or intensional semantics. Thus instead of a definition based model - e.g. a bird may be defined as elements with the features [+feathers], [+beak] and [+ability to fly], prototype theory would consider a category like bird as consisting of different elements which have unequal status - e.g. a robin is more prototypical of a bird than, say a penguin. This leads to a graded notion of categories, which is a central notion in many models of cognitive science and cognitive semantics, e.g. in the work of George Lakoff (Women, Fire and Dangerous Things, 1987) or Ronald Langacker (Foundations of Cognitive Grammar, vol. 1/2 1987/1991).
The term prototype has been defined in Eleanor Rosch's study "Natural Categories" (1973) and was first defined as a stimulus, which takes a salient position in the formation of a category as it is the first stimulus to be associated with that category. Later, she redefined it as the most central member of a category.

2) The Difference Between Prototypes-Based Concept and Feature-Based Concept
Hudson (1996) believes that prototype theory has much to offer sociolinguistics. He believes it leads to an easier account of how people learn to use language, particularly linguistic, from the kinds of instances they come across. Hudson says that “ A prototype – based concept can be learned on the basis of a very small number of instance – perhaps a single one – and without any kind of formal definition, whereas a feature based definition would be very much harder to learn since a much larger number of cases, plus a number of non – cases, would be needed before the learner could work out which features were necessary and which were not.”
3) The Relationship between Language and Culture in Prototypes
According to Hudson, prototype theory may even be applied to the social situations in which speech occurs. He suggests that, when we hear a new linguistic item, we associate with it that typically seems to use it and what, apparently, is the typical occasion of its use. Again, we need very few instances – even possibly just a single one – to be able to do this. Of course, if the particular instance is a typical and we fail to recognize this tact, we could be in for some discomfort at a later time when we treat it as typical.
Prototype theory, then, offers us a possible way of looking not only at how concepts may be formed, i.e., at the cognitive dimensions of linguistic behavior, but also at how we achieve our social competence in the use of language. We judge circumstance as being typically this or typically that and we place people in the same way. We then tailor our language to fit, making it appropriate to the situation and the participants as we view these.
3. Stereotype
Streotype is a popular concept of the speech of a particular group of people (Richard, 1992:353). It also can be said as the stuff of bad comedians' jokes. People laugh at them because everyone recognizes stereotypes; people use them as lazy generalizations of whole groups of people. Stereotypes are often part of bigotry. For instances :
- When people say “ Bungkulan “ in Buleleng, it would be get the negative respects
- When people say “ Las Vegas “, it would be get the negative respect automatically

4. Taboo
1) The Definition Of Taboo
Taboo is the prohibition or avoidance in any society of behavior believes to be harmful to its members in that it would cause them anxiety, embarrassment or shame (Ronald Wardhaugh, 2002). On the other words taboo is a prohibition or rejection of some types of behavior or language because they are considered socially unacceptable (…http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euphemism #Etymology).
Hetherington (1980), give an ideal description of taboo as follows: “Generally speaking, we may say that whatever a society fears will be labeled taboo. Thus, any action that is frightening – not merely those literally forbidden – can come to be regarded as taboo. For example, death is not forbidden, but it is frightening enough that talking about death may not be allowed. When the act is fearsome, it is very common for the name of that act to become equally fearsome and therefore forbidden.”
2) The Categorizations of Taboo
Euphemisms are motivated by different taboos in society. Every culture has its own topics that are forbidden and should not be talked about directly. There are three categories of taboo "according to the psychological motivation behind them", such as:
a. Taboo of Fear
This kind of taboo referred to the supernatural things. These include God, the Devil and names of certain animals. For example in French the weasel is referred to as 'a beautiful little woman' , in Italian and Portuguese as 'a little lady' and in Swedish as 'a pretty little girl' or 'a young lady'. The subject that may be tabooed, is:
- Religious
People often don’t say much about something that related to the Deities, God, Devil, and others which have relation to their religion, because they don’t allow to iodo that. Euphemisms for deities as well as for religious practices and artifacts have been recorded since the earliest writings. Protection of sacred names, rituals, and concepts from the uninitiated has always given rise to euphemisms, whether it is for exclusion of outsiders or the retention of power among the select.
Example :
No Taboo
1 Tuhan Ida Sang Hyang Widhi ( Hinduis ), Allah ( Moslem), Jesus (Christians), etc
2 Binatang Sapi (Hinduis), Babi (Moslem)






b. Taboo of Delicacy
People also try to avoid direct reference to topics they find unpleasant. There are some subjects that included into the Taboo of Delicacy, such as:
- Death
Rudofl Bultmann, famous theologies, gave some useful insight to use into the verbal evasiveness in man of the subject connected with death, in his sermon preached on the 7th of June, 1936. According to Bultman, there exists a thing on the earth, unavoidable and unconquerable by any means, against our will: death, of which most prudent people readily shun speaking openly of the topic, offensive or unpleasant. In spite of everything good in our earthly life, death itself deprives us of self-satisfaction ruthlessly. Thus, people won’t like to mention anything serious, grave, and unhappy, such as death, if possible.
As some examples of euphemism connected with “death or dying” will be passing away, passing beyond, going to sleep, going to heave, going to one’s reward, going on a journey, going to rest, etc. These all imply the painless, even a pleasant transition, not frightening or repugnant.
- War
Greg Troppo states in War Having Its way with words that “war” has always contributed its share of military terms that find their way into everyday language". Some disappear over time but others survive and even become terms that define the wars in question.
As horrible as wars are, they nevertheless seem to be fruitful times when it comes to language and the creation of new terms. It seems that even the word war itself is unpleasant; people have come up with different expressions to avoid actually saying the word. These include words such as struggle, conflict and dispute. Linda Fieldman cites in Euphemisms on the Euphrates: the War of Words some quite inventive expressions for different kinds of acts of war, like tearing down the apparatus of terror, decapitation operation and confronting dictators. These are not the same as actually referring to the word war itself, but are operations that are specific acts of war and targeted to remove foreign leaders from power, as the two latter examples show.
One of the reasons for using different military and war-related euphemisms is to keep the public from thinking too much about the horrible things happening in places where wars are being fought. It is in the best interest of the government or the military not to talk about the true nature of war and their plans and actions directly, especially if something has not gone according to plan or there is a risk that a plan might fail. Failure might result in the loss of public support and criticism towards the actions of the government or the military.
Friendly fire and collateral damage are examples of euphemisms that most people are familiar with. The term friendly fire is used when referring to casualties resulting from fire from allied or friendly forces as opposed to those killed by the enemy forces. This is probably one of the most unfortunate things that can happen in the military, but somehow the euphemism softens it and makes it sound less unfortunate, even though people recognize what the meaning behind the expression is. These incidents are of course usually accidental, but nevertheless very serious matters. Friendly fire is one kind of collateral damage, which was originally a U.S. military term for unintended or incidental damage during a military operation.
Collateral damage started as a euphemism during the Vietnam War, but has been in use for such a long time that it is now an accepted term within military forces when referring to unintentional damage. When used to refer to the (accidental) killings of innocent civilians, the expression seems cruel and dismissive. Every war inflicts collateral damage, but using the euphemism makes the military seem less responsible for the events and creates the image that these are issues that have to be accepted while fighting wars. As Slovenko (547) states, euphemisms "provide clean words which are used to cover atrocious deeds, they conceal crime or deflect guilt".
One of the euphemisms used by the U.S. government in Iraq is military casualties, which fails to mention the thousands of innocent civilian lives lost and affected during the war. The soldiers from a number of different countries fighting in Iraq are often referred to as coalition forces, which is also a euphemism since it has become evident that it is the U.S. military that commands and controls the situation and the troops in the country. Related to this, Cynthia Cotts mentions in her article Moral Clarity, the term coalition of the willing, which is president George W. Bush's term for the countries that support the war in Iraq but have little to offer to the war. The U.S. wants to maintain the image that the war is a co-operation between many westerns countries even though the U.S. itself is running the show.
Troppo mentions the term shock and awe, which is a "military strategy by which an enemy is persuaded to surrender by a display of awesome firepower". Before the invasion of Iraq in 2003 the officials in the U.S. army declared that shock and awe would be the plan to be used there.
One interesting aspect relating to the use of the word terrorist was mentioned by Leo in his article Double Trouble Speak. Ordinary people have no trouble using the word terrorist but in the media the people performing terrorist actions are rarely called "terrorists", but rather insurgents, activists, rebels, militants, fighters, assailants or attackers. There is talk of "acts of terrorism", but according to Leo (Double) the word terrorist seems to be avoided. Leo does not mention why, though.
The uses of euphemisms when referring to war and everything that takes place while fighting makes it seem like a distant issue. People do not want to hear that the troops of their own country have committed actions that have resulted in the death of innocent civilians. It is easier to accept terms such as collateral damage than for example to read in a newspaper that children playing in the street of a city were killed in a bombing. The government also needs the support of the people; euphemisms are a way of reinforcing this support. It might also be easier for the military personnel to talk about war when they do not directly refer to the horrible events that are going on. Katamba (187) states that killing people is shocking even to the "hardened professional soldier or the executioner" so instead of directly mentioning the word kill, they might use terms such as neutralize or take out.

c. Taboo of Propriety
The three most common areas in this category are sex, certain body parts and Excretions. People find it difficult to talk about going to the toilet, and have invented numerous ways of avoiding direct reference to the topic. There are some subjects which include to this kind of taboo, such as:
- Sex
As we know the people in some places have their own ways to something that related to sex. People tend to be ashamed when they refer to a term connected with sex because it is highly personal and private. In most societies, therefore, direct reference to sex and its related word are strongly forbidden or avoided. In the Victorian age, a woman was never “pregnant” but enceinte. Perhaps this is because pregnancy issues from sex and always a delicate subject. Peter Trudgill (1974) says that the most severe taboos are associated with words connected with sex.
For having the “sexual intercourse”, people say like these: doing I, getting it on, getting off, sleeping with, going to bed with, staying the night with, or being with, etc. The “whore: which is a cognate with Latin word “carus”, which meant ‘dear’ or ‘beloved’, is a very old euphemism. It had lost is euphemistic value by the eighteenth century, and “prostitute” was substituted instead. This word “prostitute”, however, has come to have unpleasant connotations, and so it is replaced by many other expressions: call girl, courtesan, hooker, ladies of pleasure, ladies of evening, and street walker. Even “the house of prostitutions” is referred to as chicken ranch, fancy house, bird cage, house of joy, red light house, service station, and beauty parlor. Yellow house is the name of “the most famous house of prostitution” which is located in Incheon.
- Parts of Body
In the Victorian age, it was forbidden to refer to “legs” because of highly sexual. So the word limbs were substituted for it. Even piano limbs were discreetly covered and chairs were covered with skirts. Our contemporary distinction between the while meat and the dark meat of chicken comes from the Victorian refusal to say “breast” and “thigh” respectively. It is apparent that many of the terms connected with parts of the body were expressed indirectly and vaguely for their euphemisms.
For “naked”, we can find out some euphemisms like the following: nude, without a stitch on, a natural, in the altogether’, in the buff, in one’s birthday suit, and in the raw. For “breasts”, boobs are the most popular euphemism. Man’s enduring concern for “the size and the shape of women’s breasts” has coined a number of euphemisms for them. Lemons, oranges, and grapefruits, apples, pears, and melons, coconuts, are all of which indicate variations in size, shape and alimentary value.
A far more discreet euphemism, white meat, originally English and now American expression, is now being used directly for chicken breasts and indirectly or somewhat archaically for “the parts of a woman’s body”. For “buttocks”, there are such expressions as bottom, fanny which was originated from Fanny Hill, and rear end. Butt, a shortened for “buttock”, is used as in “Get off your butt”.
The most dangerous anatomical taboos of all are the sexual organs. Privates, tale and thing are gentle expressions for the “genitals”, male or female. A male has a cock, a prick, or a dick (penis); he has balls, nuts, or family jewels (“testicles”). A female has a twat, a cunt, a hole, or a slit (“a vulva and vagina”). All of these are vulgar and belong to slangy euphemisms. John Thomas, John, or Jhony for the “penis” and Lady Jane or Jane for the “female genitals” are somewhat old fashioned expressions. Heatherington (1980: 186) suggests four stratagems for fending off the danger of sexual and excretory organs when we are minding our sociolinguistic manners and attending to the pragmatics of a speech situation: avoid speaking of these anatomical parts altogether, contrive vague euphemisms (like privates), use childish euphemisms (like wee-wee for “penis”), or take refuge in the chilly safety of Latin words (like pudendum).
- Excretions
People tend to avoid direct mention some physiological phenomena. This taboo against referring to certain functions of the body particularly those which are connected with secretions and excretions, results in various milder or periphrastic replacements.
According to Victoria Fromkin & Robert Rodman (1978: 268), there are so many euphemisms which the Australian replace the verb “urinate” like follows: drain the dragon, siphon the python, water the horse, squeeze the lemon, drain the spuds, see if the horse has kicked off his blanket, wring the rattlesnake, shake hands with wife’s best friend, point Percy at the porcelain, train Terence on the terracotta.
BO is an acronym of body odor, especially underarm perspiration odor. To perspire is a polite way of saying “to sweet”. Cream for “sperm” has been a colloquial euphemism since the 19th century. Menstruation is universally discussed in hushed tones and indirect terms. To have the curse is the tem which connect menstruation with evil. It is probably an allusion to the biblical curse of Eve. Monthlies, monthly courses, and courses are British colloquialisms for “menstruation”. The flowers is a somewhat romantic term for a “woman’s period”. Some other expressions for “menstruation” are as follows: to be sick, not feeling well, to be indisposed, and to have a visitor.
Excretion is related to sex so that it becomes taboo in almost every culture. It is difficult to say excretion without conjuring up sex. In this way, euphemisms about defection and urination are particularly abundant as we see in the above. Pee for “piss”, to do one’s business or to ease oneself for “to urinate”, the call of nature for “urinate or defecate”, and my back teeth are floating for “the intense need to urinate”.
5. Euphemism
2.5.1 The Definition of Euphemism
Euphemism words allow us to talk about unpleasant things and disguise or neutralize the unpleasantness, for example subject of sickness, death, and dying, unemployment and criminality (Ronald Wardhaugh, 2002). In addition an euphemism is a word or phrase that stands in for another word or phrase, chosen to mask or soften the true meaning of what is being expressed. On the other words euphemism is a substitution of an agreeable or less offensive expression in place of one that may offend or suggest something unpleasant to the receiver, or to make it less troublesome for the speaker, as in the case of doublespeak. The deployment of euphemisms is a central aspect within the public application of political correctness. It may also substitute a description of something or someone to avoid revealing secret, holy, or sacred names to the uninitiated, or to obscure the identity of the subject of a conversation from potential eavesdroppers. Some euphemisms are intended to amuse. Euphemisms may be used to hide unpleasant or disturbing ideas, even when the literal term for them is not necessarily offensive. This type of euphemism is used in public relations and politics, where it is sometimes called doublespeak. Sometimes, using euphemisms is equated to politeness (…http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Euphemism#Etymology).

2.5.2 The Relation between Taboo and Euphemism
Why euphemisms are created and used? A meaning can be defined as the sum of our responses to a word or an object. Words themselves may be seen as responses to stimuli. When unpleasant elements of response attach themselves strongly to the words they use, they tend to substitute another word which is free of these negative associations. In other word there is a relationship between taboo and euphemism. As we have explained before, there are many subjects of taboo, so in some places the euphemism should be applied in all of the taboo’s subjects. Based on our observation with one of the people at Tukadsumaga Village, there are some taboos and their euphemism as follows:
No Taboo Euphemism Meaning
1 Mati Seda, Ngalain Death
2 Kematian Kelacuran Rest in Peace
3 Orang Yang Memplajari Black Magic Anak bisa People who learn black
4 Berhubungan badan Ngae cunguh Make a love
5 Hamil sebelum nikah Beling malu Married by Accident
6 Buah dada Nyuh gading kemar Bosom
7 Selingkuh Ngalih selingan Fucking girl
8 Menstruasi Tusing dadi Menstruation


CONCLUSION

Based on the discussion on the previous chapter can be concluded as follows:
a. People in the different places have their own ways in which they to about the term of colors depend on their culture and the development of science and technology;
b. People in the different places also have their own ways to categorize something based on their culture and their experience, for example : when asked to give an example of the concept furniture, chair is more frequently cited than, say stove ;
c. There is a relationship between taboos and euphemisms, because in some places there are prohibitions or avoidances in any society of behavior believes to be harmful to its members in that it would cause them anxiety, embarrassment or shame and in order to make them comport to be said we should use an euphemism.

REFERENCES

Munir, Mahmud dkk. 2006. Kamus Lengkap Inggris – Indonesia, Indonesia – on itInggris. Kashiko: Surabaya

Wardhaugh, Ronald, “An Introduction to Sociolinguistic Fourth Edition”, Blackwell, UK. 2002.

. . . . . . . ..1990. Oxford Pocket Dictionary. UK: Oxford University Press

…………..Euphemism. //http:en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euphemism//[access on: 28/4/2011 at 10 am]